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This article is
about the political organization. For the band, see Tammany Hall NYC.
Tammany Hall
|
The Tammany Hall
logo on its headquarters at Park Avenue South and 17th Street
|
Named after
|
Tamanend (anglicized
to "Tammany"), Lenapes'
leader
|
Motto
|
"Freedom
Our Rock"[1]
|
Formation
|
May 12, 1789
|
Founder
|
William Mooney
|
Founded at
|
New York City, New York
|
Dissolved
|
1967; 52 years ago
|
Merger of
|
Tammanies
|
Type
|
Democratic pressure group
|
Legal status
|
Defunct
|
Headquarters
|
Several: last was in Madison Avenue at East 23rd Street, New York City
|
Location
|
·
New York City,
with connections in all of New York State
|
Services
|
Patronage,
initially for Irishimmigrants
|
Sachem(Boss)
|
William
Mooney (first)
J. Raymond Jones (last)
|
Key people
|
William M. Tweed, Fernando Wood, Richard Croker, Lewis Nixon, Carmine DeSapio
|
Affiliations
|
Democratic Party
|
Tammany Hall, also known as
the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St.
Tammany, or the Columbian Order, was a New York City political organization founded in 1786 and
incorporated on May 12, 1789, as the Tammany Society. It was the Democratic Party political machine that played a major role in controlling New York City and New York State politics and helping immigrants, most notably the Irish, rise up in
American politics from the 1790s to the 1960s. It typically controlled
Democratic Party nominations and political patronage in Manhattan from the mayoral victory of Fernando Wood in 1854 and used its patronage resources to build a loyal,
well-rewarded core of district and precinct leaders; after 1850 the great
majority were Irish Catholics.
The Tammany
Society emerged as the center for Democratic-Republican Partypolitics in the city in
the early 19th century. After 1854, the Society expanded its political control
even further by earning the loyalty of the city's rapidly expanding immigrant
community, which functioned as its base of political capital. The business
community appreciated its readiness, at moderate cost, to cut through red tape
and legislative mazes to facilitate rapid economic growth. The Tammany
Hall ward boss or ward heeler –
"wards" were the city's smallest political units from 1786 to 1938 –
served as the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage. By 1872 Tammany
had an Irish Catholic "boss," and in 1928 a Tammany hero, New York Governor Al Smith, won the
Democratic presidential nomination. However, Tammany Hall also served as an
engine for graft and political corruption, perhaps most
infamously under William M.
"Boss" Tweed in the mid-19th century. By the
1880s, Tammany was building local clubs that appealed to social activists from
the ethnic middle class.[2][3] In quiet
times the machine had the advantage of a core of solid supporters and usually
exercised control of politics and policymaking in Manhattan; it also played a
major role in the state legislature in Albany.
Charles Murphy was the highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany
from 1902–1924.[4] "Big Tim"
Sullivan was
the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and machine's spokesman in the state
legislature.[5] In the early twentieth century Murphy and Sullivan
promoted Tammany as a reformed agency dedicated to the interests of the working
class. The new image deflected attacks and built up a following among the
emerging ethnic middle class. In the process Robert F. Wagner became a powerful United States Senator, and Al Smith served multiple terms as governor and was the
Democratic presidential candidate in 1928.[6][7]
Tammany Hall's
influence waned from 1930 to 1945 when it engaged in a losing battle with Franklin D. Roosevelt, the state's
governor (1928–33) and the United States president (1933–45).
In 1932, Mayor Jimmy Walker was forced
from office when his bribery was exposed. Roosevelt stripped Tammany of federal
patronage. Republican Fiorello La Guardia was
elected mayor on a Fusion ticket and
became the first anti-Tammany mayor to be re-elected. A brief resurgence in
Tammany power in the 1950s under the leadership of Carmine DeSapio was met with Democratic Party
opposition led by Eleanor Roosevelt, Herbert Lehman, and the New
York Committee for Democratic Voters. By the mid-1960s Tammany Hall ceased to
exist.
Contents
·
1History
o
1.11789–1840
o
1.2Immigrant support
o
1.3Political Gangs and the
Forty Thieves
o
1.4Fernando Wood era
o
1.5Tweed regime
o
1.61870–1900
§ 1.6.11886 mayoral election
§ 1.6.21894 mayoral election
·
220th century
o
2.1Machine politics versus
the reformers
o
2.2La Guardia in, Tammany
out: 1933 to 1945
o
2.3Criminal issues
o
2.4Indian Summer, 1950s
·
3Leaders
·
4Headquarters
·
5In popular culture
·
6See also
·
7References
·
8External links
Thomas Nast denounces Tammany as a ferocious tiger killing
democracy. The image of a tiger was often used to represent the Tammany Hall
political movement.
1789–1840[edit]
The Tammany Society, also known as
the Society of St. Tammany, the Sons of St. Tammany, or
the Columbian Order, was founded in New York on May 12, 1789,
originally as a branch of a wider network of Tammany Societies, the first
having been formed in Philadelphia in 1772.[8] The
society was originally developed as a club for "pure Americans".[9] The name
"Tammany" comes from Tamanend, a Native
American leader of the Lenape. The society
adopted many Native American words and also their customs, going so far as to
call its hall a wigwam. The first
Grand Sachem, as the leader
was titled, was William Mooney, an upholsterer
of Nassau Street.[10]Although Mooney
claimed the top role in the early organization, it was a wealthy merchant and
philanthropist named John Pintard who
created the society's constitution and declared its mission as "[a]
political institution founded on a strong republican basis whose democratic
principles will serve in some measure to correct the aristocracy of our
city." Pintard also established the various
Native American titles of the society.[11] The
Society had the political backing of the Clintonfamily in this era,
whereas the Schuyler family
backed the Hamiltonian Federalists, and the Livingston's eventually
sided with the anti-federalists and the Society.[12] The
Society assisted the federal government in procuring a peace treaty with the
Creek Indians of Georgia and Florida at the request of George Washington in
1790 and also hosted Edmond-Charles Genêt in 1793, representative of the
New French Republic after the French Revolution toppled
the old regime.[13]
By 1798, the
society's activities had grown increasingly political. High ranking
Democratic-Republican Aaron Burr saw
Tammany Hall as an opportunity to counter Alexander Hamilton's Society of the Cincinnati and
developed it into a tool to further his own agenda.[9] Eventually
Tammany emerged as the center of Democratic-Republican
Party politics in the city.[10] Burr used
Tammany Hall influence in the election of 1800, in which he
was elected Vice President of the United States. Many historians believe that
without Tammany, President John Adams might have
won New York State's electoral votes and won reelection.[14]
Early cases of
political corruption involving Tammany Hall came to light during the group's
feud with local politician Dewitt Clinton. The feud began
in 1802 after Clinton accused Aaron Burr of being a traitor to the
Democratic-Republican Party.[15] Clinton's
uncle, George Clinton was jealous of Burr's achievements and positions. However George was too old to compete with young Aaron Burr, and so
he left it to his nephew to topple Burr.[15] One of
Burr's political cohorts and the author of Burr's biography was a businessman,
a newspaper editor, and a sachem of the Society named Matthew L. Davis. Other
Burr operatives included William P. Van Ness and John Swartwout, the latter of whom dueled with De Witt Clinton
in 1802 in New Jersey.[16] In 1803,
Clinton left the United States Senate and became Mayor of New York City.[17] As mayor,
Clinton enforced a spoils system and appointed his family and partisans to
positions in the city's local government.[17] Tammany
Hall soon realized its influence over the local political scene was no match
for that of Clinton,[17] in part
because Burr's support among New York City's residents greatly faded after he
shot and killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel.[18] Tammany
continued to support him for a time,[18] but
eventually pressure from the public persuaded the organization to no longer
affiliate themselves with Burr.[18] Matthew
Davis would go on to refine the Society as a political machine beginning in
1805. The Society, with Davis' guidance, received a state charter as a
charitable organization, organized the General Committee of Tammany Hall, and
used the General Committee to decide leadership within the Democratic-Republican
party in New York City from that point forward.[19]
In December
1805, Dewitt Clinton reached out to supporters of Burr in order to gain enough
support to resist the influence of the powerful Livingston family.[18] The
Livingston family, led by former New York City mayor Edward Livingston, backed New
York Governor Morgan Lewis which presented a significant challenge to Clinton.[20] The
Tammany Hall Sachems agreed to meet with him in secret, on February 20, 1806.[20] and agreed under the condition that the Clintons would once
again acknowledge Aaron Burr as a Democratic-Republican, and stop using "Burrism" as a reason to object to their ideas.[15] The
Clintons readily agreed to conditions, but had no plans on honoring those
conditions. When the Sachems caught wind of this, the feud between Tammany Hall
and Clinton continued.[18]
Tammany Hall
became a locally organized machine dedicated to stopping Clinton and
Federalists from rising to power in New York;[21] However,
local Democratic-Republicans began to turn against Tammany Hall.[22] In the
years covering 1806-1809, because of public demand, the local Common Council
was forced to crack down on Tammany Hall. The resulting investigations found
that a number of Tammany Officials were guilty of embezzlement and illegal
activity.[23] For
example, one official, Benjamin Romaine was found guilty of using his power to
acquire land without paying. He was then removed from his office of City Comptroller[20] due to
public demand, despite the Council being controlled by Democrat-Republicans.[20] Following
the disclosures, the Federalists won control of the state legislature and the
Democratic-Republican Party barely maintained control of the local government
in New York City.[24] Matthew
Davis convinced other sachems to join him in a public relations stunt that
provided income for the Society. The shallow graves of some Revolutionary War
soldiers who died in British prison ships were located in Wallabout Bay (near
the Brooklyn Navy Yard). Davis
announced that the Society was going to provide proper burials for these
soldiers with a monument dedicated to their memory on nearby land owned by a
fellow sachem. The remains were reburied. The Society led a flotilla, on April
13, 1808, in thirteen boats, to Brooklyn, with each boat carrying a symbolic
coffin. A dedication ceremony was held at Wallabout,
and the state voted to provide the Society $1,000 to build a monument. The
Society pocketed the money and the monument was never built.[25] However,
Tammany Hall did not learn their lesson,[18] and
instead of fixing the problem of corruption, Wortman,
one of the chief powers at the time, created a committee consisting of one
member from each ward that would investigate and report in general meetings who
were friends, or enemies.[22]
During the years
between 1809-1810, the feud between Tammany Hall, and
Clintonites intensified, as each party threw attacks at each other.[22] One of the
Clintonites, James Cheetham, set about this by
writing about Tammany and its corrupt activities, using his position as State
Printer and publishing his work on American Citizen.[26] However,
Tammany Hall did not take lightly to these activities, and managed to remove Cheetham from his position of State Printer.[26] However,
at the same time, Clinton decided to try and cooperate with Tammany Hall in
order to create a state dominated by Democrat-Republicans. In an attempt to
successfully persuade Tammany Sachems, he pulled his support for Cheetham, who was his protege at
the time.[18] Cheetham's loss of Clinton's support angered him, and he
responded by releasing details of Tammany and Clinton's attempts at cooperating
to control the state.[18] On September
18, 1810, James Cheetham died after an attack that
was possibly Tammany-related.[18]
Between the
years 1809 and 1815, Tammany Hall slowly revived itself by accepting immigrants
and by secretly building a new wigwam to hold meetings whenever new Sachems
were named.[27] The
Democratic-Republican Committee, a new committee which consisted of the most
influential local Democratic Republicans, would now name the new Sachems as
well.[28] When
Dewitt Clinton decided to run for president in 1811, Tammany Hall immediately
accused Clinton of treason to his party, as well as attempting to create a
family aristocracy. Even though New York State went to Clinton the following
year, republicans could not help but see Clinton's actions as exactly what
Tammany had accused them of being. With this most republicans in New York City
turned from Clinton. When Tammany Hall positioned itself to support the War in
1812 and its support for the Embargo Act, many others who supported the war
joined Tammany Hall.[29] In fact,
during this time, because of its success in establishing political opinion,
Tammany Hall was able to grow stronger, and even gained support from
Federalists members who supported the war.[30] The Native
American titles of the Society were disused during and after the War of 1812 in
response to attacks from Native Americans on White Americans.[31] During
this time we see Tammany Hall's earliest application of its most notable
technique- turning support away from opposing parties, and rewarding newly
joined members.[30] This was
the case for Federalists who joined Tammany Hall. Tammany Hall managed to gain
power, as well as reduce Clinton and his followers to just a small fraction.[32] In 1815,
Tammany Hall grand sachem John Ferguson defeated
Dewitt Clinton and was elected mayor. In 1817, however, Clinton with his
success on the Erie Canal project gained so much popularity, that despite his
weak position after the War, and Tammany's immense efforts, once again became
Governor of New York and Tammany Hall again, fell.[33] Another
factor leading to Clinton's popularity, was his
patronage to the immigrants. The origins of Tammany Hall were based on
representing "pure" or "native" Americans. This mean that the Hall totally dismissed the immigrants,
such as the Irish and Germans, although the Germans were more politically
averse. In 1817, April 24, discontent for this treatment led to a huge riot
during a Tammany general committee session.[33] Martin Van Buren and
his Albany Regency soon began
controlling the policy of Tammany Hall. This included pushing for the state
referendum that eventually granted the right to vote in New York State to all
free white men in 1821. After voting rights were expanded, Tammany Hall could
further increase its political power.[34] Tammany
Hall soon began to accept Irish immigrants as members and eventually became
dependent on them to maintain viability as a political force.[35] Until his
death in 1828, Clinton would remain Governor of New York, with the exception of
the two-year-period 1823–1824, and Tammany Hall's influence waned.
During the 1828 U.S. presidential
election, Tammany Hall leaders met with Democratic candidate
Andrew Jackson and agreed to endorse him after he promised to give them control
over the allocation of some federal jobs.[36] After he
was elected president, Jackson fulfilled his promise.[36] After
1829, Tammany Hall became the city affiliate of the Democratic Party,
controlling most of the New York City elections afterwards.[37] In the
1830s the Loco-Focos, an
anti-monopoly and pro-labor faction of the Democratic Party, became Tammany's
main rival for votes by appealing to workingmen, however, their political
opponent remained the Whigs. During the 1834 New York City mayoral governor
election, the first city election whereby the mayor was elected by the popular
vote, both Tammany Hall and the Whig party, from their headquarters at the
Masonic Hall, battled in the streets for votes and protected polling locations
in their respective regions from known opposition voters.[38] During the
1838 state election for governor, the rival Whig party imported voters from
Philadelphia, paying $22 a head for votes in addition to paying for votes at
their polling places. Tammany Hall operatives continued their practice of
paying prisoners of the alms houses for votes and also paying for votes at
their polling places.[39] Throughout
the 1830s and 1840s, the Society expanded its political control even further by
earning the loyalty of the city's ever-expanding immigrant community, which
functioned as a base of political capital.
The Tammany Hall
"ward boss" served as
the local vote gatherer and provider of patronage.[40] During the
1840s, hundreds of thousands of Irish immigrants arrived in New York City to
escape the Great Irish Potato Famine and
Tammany saw its power grow greatly.[41]
Tammany Ring by Thomas Nast; "Who stole the people's money?" / "'Twas him."
Immigrant support[edit]
Tammany Hall's electoral base lay predominantly with
New York's burgeoning immigrant constituency, which often exchanged political
support for Tammany Hall's patronage. In pre-New Deal America,
the extralegal services that Tammany and other urban political machines
provided often served as a rudimentary public welfare system. At first, in
the latter 1810s, immigrants were not allowed membership in Tammany Hall.[42] However,
after protests by Irish militants in 1817, and the invasion of several of their
offices, Tammany Hall realized the potential influence Irish immigrants would
have in the city. By the 1820s, Tammany Hall was accepting Irish immigrants as
members of the group.[42] German
immigrants were also present in large numbers in the city at this time, but did
not actively seek to participate in city politics.[43]
However, Irish
immigrants became even more influential during the mid 1840s
to early 1850s. With the potato famine in Ireland, by 1850, more than 130,000
immigrants from Ireland lived in New York City.[42] Since the
newly arrived immigrants were in deep poverty, Tammany Hall provided them with
employment, shelter, and even citizenship sometimes.[44] For
example, the group gave men looking for work referrals, and legal aid to those
who needed it. Tammany Hall would also provide food and financial aid to
families with sick or injured breadwinners.[42] In an
example of their involvement in the lives of citizens, in the course of one
day, Tammany figure George Washington Plunkitt assisted the victims of a house
fire; secured the release of six "drunks" by
speaking on their behalf to a judge; paid the rent of a poor family to prevent
their eviction and gave them money for food; secured employment for four
individuals; attended the funerals of two of his constituents (one Italian, the
other Jewish); attended a Bar Mitzvah; and attended
the wedding of a Jewish
couple from his ward.[45] Tammany
Hall took full advantage of the surplus in Irish immigrants to create a healthy
relationship to gather more votes. By 1855, 34 percent of New York City's voter
population was composed of Irish immigrants, and many Irish men came to
dominate Tammany Hall. With this, Tammany Hall started its career as the
powerful political machine we associate it with today.
Tammany Hall
also served as a social integrator for immigrants by familiarizing them with
American society and its political institutions and by helping them
become naturalized citizens. One example
was the naturalization process organized by William M. Tweed. Under Tweed's
regime, "naturalization committees" were established. These
"committees" were made up primarily of Tammany politicians and
employees, and their duties consisted of filling out paperwork, providing
witnesses, and lending immigrants money for the fees required to become
citizens. Judges and other city officials were bribed and otherwise compelled
to go along with the workings of these committees.[46] In
exchange for all these benefits, immigrants assured Tammany Hall they would
vote for their candidates.[37] By 1854,
the support which Tammany Hall received from immigrants would firmly establish
the organization as the leader of New York City's political scene.[37] With the
election of Fernando Wood, the first
person to be supported by the Tammany Hall machine,[42] as mayor
in 1854, Tammany Hall would proceed to dominate The New York City political
arena until Fiorello La Guardia's mayoralty
after the election of 1934.[37]
Political Gangs
and the Forty Thieves[edit]
After Fernando
Wood's lost reelection run for U.S. Congress in 1842, he left politics for awhile to work on his shipping business. A power vacuum of
sorts existed through the 1840s for Tammany Hall, which became dominated with
fights between political and basically street gangs fighting over turf. These
gangs included the Dead Rabbits, the Bowery Boys, Mike Walsh's
Spartan Association, the Roach Guards, the Plug Uglies, the Wide-Awakes, and Captain Isaiah Rynders' Empire Club. Rynders
was the leader of Tammany's Sixth Ward and a member of the General Committee
who was also said to have been responsible for coordinating all
political-related gang activity. Many of these leaders coordinated their
activities from saloons, which became a target of prohibitionists and
reformers.[47]
At the start of
the 1850's, the city economy began to pick up and Tammany members would profit.
The City Council of New York during these years would be known as the most
corrupt up to this time. The new City Council of 1852 swept in Tammany
politicians to replace the outgoing Whig ones, whom did little with their
power. The new council was made up of two sets of 20 members, a twenty member
Board of Aldermen and a twenty member Board of Assistant Aldermen. This new
council would be known as the Forty Thieves. Each Alderman had the power to
appoint police (including precinct officers) and license saloons within his
district. Together, the Alderman possessed the power to grant franchises for
streetcar lines and ferries. Each Alderman also sat as judge in criminal courts
- determining who sat for juries and choosing which cases came to trial. On
paper, these Alderman received no pay. A number of
real estate deals followed with suspicious transaction amounts, including a
purchase of a pauper's burial ground on Ward's Island and the
sale of city property occupying Gansevoort Market near the
western end of 14th Street to Reuben Lovejoy, an associate of James B. Taylor,
a friend of many of the Aldermen. Other deals included expensive fireworks
displays and bribes for ferry and railroad operations (Jacob Sharp for the Wall
Street Ferry and various applicants for the Third Avenue railroad). Aldermen
would also resort to creating strike legislation to obtain quick cash - a
disingenuous bill would be introduced that would obviously financially harm
someone, who would then complain to legislators. These legislators would then
kill the bill in committee for a fee. As the press became aware of the Forty
Thieves tactics, a reform movement instigated for a change in the city charter
in June 1853 so that city work and supply contracts were awarded to the lowest
bidder, franchises were awarded to the highest bidder, and that bribery was
punished harshly.[48]
Fernando Wood era[edit]
Fernando Wood attempted several small businesses in
the city during the 1830s while simultaneously increasing his involvement with
Tammany Hall. These early business attempts failed, but by 1836, at the age of
24, he became a member of the Society and became known for resolving the
dispute between the Loco-Focos and the conservatives
of the Hall. At the age of 28, in 1840, Tammany Hall put Wood up for a seat to
U.S. Congress, which he won. After Wood's run in Congress, he became a
successful businessman in real estate dealings and was elected mayor of New
York City in 1854. William Tweed said of Wood, "I never yet went to get a
corner lot that I didn't find Wood had got in ahead of me." In his first
term as mayor, Wood ensured the police force was responsive to his needs, and
convinced commissioners to allow him to fire officers not performing their
duties. He was then accused of only hiring Democrats to replace those fired
officers. Wood defied tradition and ran for a second term as mayor in 1856,
which irked some of his Tammany associates. During the campaign, his police
force acted as his henchman, and Wood took a portion of their salary for his
war chest ($15 to $25 for captains and a lesser amount for patrolman). On election day, he gave his policemen some time off to vote,
during which time his affiliated Dead Rabbits gang
protected polling places. Wood won his second term. The Republicans, who made
gains upstate, in response to this concentration of power in one man, created a
new state charter for New York City which included more elected (instead of
appointed) city department heads and officers. The Republicans also
consolidated a separate police force, the Metropolitan Police, among the police
forces of Kings, Richmond, and Westchester Counties. The Republicans in the
state legislature also moved the city mayoral elections to odd years, making
the next election for mayor in December 1857. A power struggle followed between
Wood's Municipal Police and the
Metropolitan Police, as well as between the Dead Rabbits and the
nativist Bowery Boys. Tammany Hall did not put Wood up
for reelection in December of 1857 in light of the Panic of 1857 and a
scandal involving him and his brother. Wood formed a third party, the Mozart
Hall Democracy, or Mozart Hall, in response.[49]
Tweed regime[edit]
William M. Tweed, known as "Boss" Tweed, ran an efficient and
corrupt political machine based on patronage and graft.
Main
article: William M. Tweed
Tammany's
control over the politics of New York City tightened considerably under Tweed.
In 1858, Tweed utilized the efforts of Republican reformers to rein in the
Democratic city government to obtain a position on the County Board of
Supervisors (which he then used as a springboard to other appointments) and to
have his friends placed in various offices. From this position of strength, he
was elected "Grand Sachem" of Tammany, which he then used to take
functional control of the city government. With his proteges
elected governor of the state and mayor of the city, Tweed was able to expand
the corruption and kickbacks of his "Ring" into practically every
aspect of city and state governance. Although Tweed was elected to the State
Senate, his true sources of power were his appointed positions to various
branches of the city government. These positions gave him access to city funds
and contractors, thereby controlling public works programs. This benefitted his
pocketbook and those of his friends, but also provided jobs for the immigrants,
especially Irish laborers, who were the electoral base of Tammany's power.[50]
According to
Tweed biographer Kenneth D. Ackerman:
It's hard not to
admire the skill behind Tweed's system ... The Tweed ring at its height was an
engineering marvel, strong and solid, strategically deployed to control key
power points: the courts, the legislature, the treasury and the ballot box. Its
frauds had a grandeur of scale and an elegance of
structure: money-laundering, profit sharing and organization.[51]
Under
"Boss" Tweed's dominance, the city expanded into the Upper East and Upper West Sides of
Manhattan, the Brooklyn Bridge was begun, land was set aside for the Metropolitan Museum of
Art, orphanages and almshouses were constructed, and social
services – both directly provided by the state and indirectly funded by state
appropriations to private charities – expanded to unprecedented levels. All of
this activity, of course, also brought great wealth to Tweed and his friends.
It also brought them into contact and alliance with the rich elite of the city,
who either fell in with the graft and corruption, or else tolerated it because
of Tammany's ability to control the immigrant population, of whom the "uppertens" of the
city were wary.
James Watson,
who was a county auditor in Comptroller Dick Connolly's office and
who also held and recorded the ring's books, died a week after his head was
smashed by a horse in a sleigh accident on January 21, 1871. Although Tweed
guarded Watson's estate in the week prior to Watson's death, and although
another ring member attempted to destroy Watson's records, a replacement
auditor, Matthew O'Rourke, associated with former sheriff James O'Brien provided
city accounts to O'Brien.[52] Further,
Tammany demonstrated inability to control Irish laborers in
the Orange riot of 1871
that also began Tweed's downfall. Campaigns to topple Tweed by The New
York Times and Thomas Nast of Harper's Weekly began to
gain traction in the aftermath of the riot, and disgruntled insiders began to
leak the details of the extent and scope of the Tweed Ring's avarice to the
newspapers. Specifically, O'Brien forwarded the city's financial accounts to
the New York Times. The New York
Times, at that time the only Republican associated paper in the city, was then
able to reinforce stories they had previously published against the ring.[53]
Tweed was
arrested and tried in 1872. He died in Ludlow Street Jail, and political
reformers took over the city and state governments.[50] Following
Tweed's arrest, Tammany survived but was no longer controlled just by
Protestants and was now dependent on leadership from bosses of Irish descent.[35]
Puck cartoon by Frederick Burr Opper: "Lots of hunters after a very sick tiger"
(1893)
1870–1900 [edit]
Tammany did not take long to rebound from Tweed's
fall. Reforms demanded a general housecleaning, and former county sheriff "Honest John"
Kelly was selected as the new leader. Kelly was not
implicated in the Tweed scandals, and was a religious Catholic related by marriage
to Archbishop John McCloskey. He cleared
Tammany of Tweed's people, and tightened the Grand Sachem's control over the
hierarchy. His success at revitalizing the machine was such that in the
election of 1874, the Tammany candidate, William H. Wickham, unseated the
unpopular reformist incumbent, William F. Havemeyer, and Democrats generally won their
races, delivering control of the city back to Tammany Hall.[54]
1886 mayoral election[edit]
The mayoral election of 1886 was a
seminal one for the organization. Union activists had founded the United Labor Party (ULP),
which nominated political economist Henry George, the author
of Progress and Poverty, as its
standard-bearer. George was initially hesitant about running for office, but
was convinced to do so after Tammany secretly offered him a seat in Congress if
he would stay out of the mayoral race. Tammany had no expectation of George
being elected, but knew that his candidacy and the new party were a direct
threat to their own status as the putative champions of the working man.[55]
Having
inadvertently provoked George into running, Tammany now needed to field a
strong candidate against him, which required the cooperation of the Catholic
Church in New York, which was the key to getting the support of middle-class
Irish-American voters.Richard Croker,
Kelly's right-hand man, had succeeded Kelly as Grand Sachem of Tammany, and he
understood that he would also need to make peace with the non-Tammany
"Swallowtail" faction of the Democratic Party to avoid the threat
that George and the ULP posed, which was the potential re-structuring of the
city's politics along class lines and away from the ethnic-based politics which
has been Tammany's underpinning all along. To bring together these disparate
groups, Croker nominated Abram Hewitt as the
Democratic candidate for mayor. Not only was Hewitt the leader of the
Swallowtails, but he was noted philanthropist Peter Cooper's son-in-law,
and had an impeccable reputation. To counter both George and Hewitt, the
Republicans put up Theodore Roosevelt, the former
state assemblyman.[56]
Tammany Hall
decorated for the 1868 Democratic National
Convention
In the end, Hewitt won the election,
with George out-polling Roosevelt, whose total was some 2,000 votes less than
the Republicans had normally received. Despite their second-place finish,
things seemed bright for the future of the labor political movement, but the
ULP was not to last, and was never able to bring about a new paradigm in the
city's politics. Tammany had once again succeeded and
survived. More than that, Croker realized that he could utilize the
techniques of the well-organized election campaign that ULP had run. Because
Tammany's ward-heelers controlled the saloons, the new party had used
"neighborhood meetings, streetcorner rallies,
campaign clubs, Assembly District organizations, and trade legions – an entire political
counterculture"[57] to run
their campaign. Croker now took these innovations for Tammany's use, creating
political clubhouses to take the place of the saloons and involving women and
children by sponsoring family excursions and picnics. The New Tammany appeared
to be more respectable, and less obviously connected to saloon-keepers and gang
leaders, and the clubhouses, one in every Assembly District, were also a more
efficient way of providing patronage work to those who came looking for it; one
simply had to join the club, and volunteer to put in the hours needed to
support it.[58]
Hewitt turned out
to be a terrible mayor, due to his personality defects and his nativist views,
and in 1888 Tammany ran Croker's hand-picked choice, Hugh J. Grant, who became the
first New York-born Irish-American mayor. Grant allowed Croker free run of the
city's contracts and offices, creating a vast patronage machine beyond anything
Tweed had ever dreamed of, a status which continued under Grant's
successor, Thomas Francis Gilroy. With such
resources of money and manpower – the entire city workforce of 1,200 was
essentially available to him when needed – Croker was able to neutralize the
Swallowtails permanently. He also developed a new stream of income from the
business community, which was provided with "one stop shopping":
instead of bribing individual office-holders, businesses, especially the
utilities, could go directly to Tammany to make their payments, which were then
directed downward as necessary; such was the control Tammany had come to have
over the governmental apparatus of the city.[59]
Croker mended
fences with labor as well, pushing through legislation which addressed some of
the inequities which had fueled the labor political movement, making Tammany
once again appear to be the "Friend of the Working Man" – although he
was careful always to maintain a pro-business climate of laissez-faire and low
taxes. Tammany's influence was also extended once again to the state
legislature, where a similar patronage system to the city's
was established after Tammany took control in 1892. With the Republican
boss, Thomas Platt, adopting the
same methods, the two men between them essentially controlled the state.[60]
1894 mayoral election[edit]
A bird's-eye-view map of New
York and Brooklyn (1893), titled "A Cinch. Says Boss Croker to Boss
McLaughlin: "Shake!"
(The boss of Tammany Hall in New York, Richard Croker, and
the boss of the Brooklyn political machine, Hugh McLaughlin, reach
across the East River to shake hands in cooperation).
In 1894, Tammany
suffered a setback when, fueled by the public hearings on police corruption
held by the Lexow Committee based on
the evidence uncovered by the Rev. Charles Parkhurst when he
explored the city's demi monde undercover,
a Committee of Seventy was organized by Council of Good Government Clubs to
break the stranglehold that Tammany had on the city. Full of some of the city's
richest men – J.P. Morgan, Cornelius Vanderbilt II, Abram Hewitt and Elihu Root, among others –
the committee supported William L. Strong, a millionaire
dry-goods merchant, for mayor, and forced Tammany's initial candidate,
merchant Nathan Straus, co-owner
of Macy's and Abraham & Straus, from the
election by threatening to ostracize him from New York society. Tammany then
put up Hugh Grant again, despite his being publicly dirtied by the police
scandals. Backed by the Committee's money, influence and their energetic
campaign, and helped by Grant's apathy, Strong won the election handily, and
spent the next three years running the city on the basis of "business
principles", pledging an efficient government and the return of morality
to city life. The election was a Republican sweep statewide: Levi Morton, a millionaire
banker from Manhattan, won the governorship, and the party also ended up in
control of the legislature.[61]
Still, Tammany
could not be kept down for long, and in 1898 Croker, aided by the death
of Henry George – which
took the wind out of the sails of the potential re-invigoration of the
political labor movement – shifted the Democratic Party enough to the left to
pick up labor's support, and pulled back into the fold those elements outraged
by the reformers' attempt to outlaw Sunday drinking and otherwise enforce their
own authoritarian moral concepts on immigrant populations with different
cultural outlooks. Tammany's candidate, Robert A. Van Wyck easily outpolled Seth Low, the reform
candidate backed by the Citizens Union, and Tammany was back in control. Its
supporters marched through the city's streets chanting, "Well, well, well,
Reform has gone to Hell!"[62]
All politics
revolved around the Boss. 1899 cartoon from Puck.
Despite
occasional defeats, Tammany was consistently able to survive and prosper. Under
leaders such as Charles Francis Murphy and Timothy Sullivan, it maintained
control of Democratic politics in the city and the state.
Machine politics versus the reformers[edit]
The politics of
the consolidated city from 1898 to 1945 revolved around conflicts between the
political machines and the reformers. In quiet times the machines had the
advantage of the core of solid supporters and usually exercised control of city
and borough affairs; they also played a major role in the state legislature in
Albany. Tammany for example from the 1880s onward built a strong network of
local clubs that attracted ambitious middle-class ethnics.[63][64] In times
of crisis however, especially in the severe depressions of the 1890s and the
1930s, the reformers took control of key offices, notably the mayor's office.
The reformers were never unified; they operated through a complex network of
independent civic reform groups, each focused its lobbying efforts on its own
particular reform agenda. The membership included civic minded, well-educated
middle-class men and women, usually with expert skills in a profession or
business, who deeply distrusted the corruption of the machines.[65] Consolidation
in 1898 multiplied the power of these reform groups, so long as they could
agree on a common agenda, Such as consolidation itself.[66]
There was no
citywide machine. Instead Democratic machines flourished in each of the
boroughs, with Tammany Hall in Manhattan the most prominent. They typically had
strong local organizations, known as "political clubs", as well as
one prominent leader often called "the boss". Charles Murphy was the
highly effective but quiet boss of Tammany Hall from 1902–1924.[67] "Big
Tim" Sullivan was the Tammany leader in the Bowery, and the machine's
spokesman in the state legislature.[68] Republican
local organizations were much weaker, but they played key roles in forming
reform coalitions. Most of the time they looked to Albany and
Washington for their sphere of influence.[69][70] Seth Low, the president
of Columbia University, was elected the reform mayor in 1901. He lacked the
common touch, and lost much of his working class support when he listened to
dry Protestants eager to crack down on the liquor business.[71][72]
From 1902 until
his death in 1924, Charles Francis Murphy was
Tammany's boss. Murphy wanted to clean up Tammany's image, and he sponsored
progressive era reforms benefiting the working class through his two protégés,
Governor Al Smith and Robert F. Wagner. Ed Flynn, a protégé of
Murphy who became the boss in the Bronx, said Murphy always advised that
politicians should have nothing to do with gambling or prostitution, and should
steer clear of involvement with the police department or the school system.[73]
A new challenge
to Tammany came from William Randolph Hearst, a powerful
newspaper publisher who wanted to be president. Hearst was elected to Congress
with Tammany support, was defeated for mayor after a bitter contest with
Tammany, and won Tammany support for his unsuccessful quest for the
governorship of New York. Hearst did manage to dominate Tammany mayor John F. Hylan (1917–25), but he lost control
when Smith and Wagner denied Hylan renomination in 1925. Hearst then moved to California.[74]
La Guardia in,
Tammany out: 1933 to 1945[edit]
In 1932, the
machine suffered a dual setback when Mayor James Walker was forced
from office by scandal and reform-minded Democrat Franklin D. Roosevelt was
elected president of the United States. Tammany Hall leader John F. Curry and
Brooklyn political boss John H. McCooey had joined forces to support Al Smith's candidacy.[75] Roosevelt
and his lead campaign manager James Farley stripped
Tammany of federal patronage, which had been expanded under the New Deal—and passed it
instead to Ed Flynn, boss of the
Bronx who had kept his district clean of corruption.[76] Roosevelt
helped Republican Fiorello La Guardia become
mayor on a Fusion ticket,
thus removing even more patronage from Tammany's control. La Guardia was
elected in 1933.[77] After
becoming mayor, LaGuardia reorganized the city cabinet with non-partisan
officials and sought to develop a clean and honest city government.[77]
As mayor,
LaGuardia successfully led the effort to have a new city charter adopted which
would mandate a proportional representation method of electing members of the
City Council. The measure won on a referendum in 1936.[77] After the
new charter went into effect in 1938, the ward system which had allowed only a
small number of people to serve on the City Council since 1686 ceased to exist,
and the new 26-member New York City Council now had certain functions governed
by the Board of Estimate.[78] La
Guardia's appointees filled the board of magistrates and virtually every other long-term
appointive office, and the power of Tammany Hall had
now been reduced to a shadow of what it once was.[77] In 1937,
LaGuardia became the first anti-Tammany "reform" Mayor to ever be
re-elected in the city's history[77] and was
again re-elected in 1941 before retiring in 1945.[77]His extended
tenure weakened Tammany in a way that previous reform mayors had not.[77]
Tammany depended
for its power on government contracts, jobs, patronage, corruption, and
ultimately the ability of its leaders to control nominations to the Democratic
ticket and swing the popular vote. The last element weakened after 1940 with
the decline of relief programs like WPA and CCC that
Tammany used to gain and hold supporters. Congressman Christopher
"Christy" Sullivanwas one of the last "bosses" of Tammany Hall before
its collapse.
Criminal issues[edit]
Manhattan District Attorney Thomas E. Dewey also got
longtime Tammany Hall boss Jimmy Hines convicted
of bribery in 1939[9]and sentenced to
4–8 years.[79] The loss
of Hines would serve as a major blow to Tammany, as he had given the political
machine strong ties to the city's powerful organized crime figures since the
1920s.[80] A few
years prior, Dewey also had powerful mobster and strong Tammany ally Lucky Luciano convicted
of racketeering and sentenced to 30–50 years;[81] however,
Luciano was still able to maintain control of the powerful Luciano crime family from
prison until his sentence was commuted to deportation to Italy in 1946.[82] Several
Tammany Hall officials affiliated with Hines and Luciano were also successfully
prosecuted by Dewey.[81]
Indian Summer, 1950s[edit]
Tammany never recovered, but it
staged a small-scale comeback in the early 1950s under the leadership of Carmine DeSapio, who succeeded in engineering the
elections of Robert F. Wagner, Jr., an outspoken
liberal Democrat,[83] as mayor
in 1953 and W. Averell Harriman as state
governor in 1954, while simultaneously blocking his enemies, especially Franklin Delano Roosevelt,
Jr. in the 1954 race for state Attorney General. Unlike
previous Tammany "bosses", however, DeSapio
had promoted himself as a reformer and always made his decisions known to the
public.[84] The fact
that DeSapio was of Italian descent also demonstrated
that Tammany was no longer dominated by Irish-American politicians.[84] Under DeSapio's leadership, the nationality of Tammany Hall's
leaders diversified.[84] However, DeSapio's close ties with the city's lead mobster Frank Costello, Luciano's
self-appointed successor,[82] helped
establish him as a corrupt figure.[84] During DeSapio's reign, Costello was the main person who
influenced the decisions made by Tammany Hall officials.[84]
By 1956,
however, Costello, who was convicted of tax evasion in 1954 and now controlled
the Luciano family from prison, was engaged in a major power struggle with
fellow associate Vito Genovese and his
grip on power greatly weakened.[82] In 1957,
Costello was released from prison after winning an appeal but officially
abandoned his role as head of the Luciano family following a failed
assassination attempt.[82] In 1958, DeSapio's "reform" image was severely damaged
after he ran his own candidate for Senate, Manhattan District Attorney Frank Hogan.[84] New
Yorkers now saw DeSapio as an old-time Tammany Hall boss,
and Hogan would lose the Senate election to Republican Kenneth Keating;[84] Republican Nelson Rockefeller would also
be elected Governor the same year.[84] Democrats
who once praised De Sapio now excoriated him.[84] In 1961,
Wagner won re-election by running a reformist campaign that denounced his
former patron, DeSapio, as an undemocratic
practitioner of Tammany machine politics.[84] Eleanor Roosevelt organized
a counterattack with Herbert H. Lehman and Thomas K. Finletter to form the New York Committee
for Democratic Voters, a group dedicated to fighting Tammany. In 1961, the
group helped remove DeSapio from power. The once
mighty Tammany political machine, now deprived of its leadership, quickly faded
from political importance, and by 1967 it ceased to exist; its demise as the
controlling group of the New York Democratic Party was sealed when the Village
Independent Democrats under Ed Koch wrested
away control of the Manhattan party.
Note: There were two distinct
entities: the Tammany Society, headed by a Grand Sachem elected annually on May
23; and the Tammany Hall political machine headed by a "boss". The
following list names the political bosses, as far as could be ascertained. Also
note that Tammany Hall operated with obfuscation in mind, so these public
leaders may not represent actual leadership.[85]
170 Nassau
Street in 1893
Tammany Hall
on East 14th Streetbetween Third Avenue and Irving Placein Manhattan, New York City (1914).
The building was demolished c.1927.
The former
Tammany Hall building at 17th Street and Park Avenue South, across
from Union Square, housed a
theatre and a film school until renovations commenced in 2016.
In its very early days, the Tammany Society met in
the back rooms of various taverns, most often in Barden's Tavern on Broadway
near Bowling Green.[89] These back
rooms served as unofficial campaign headquarters on election days.[90]
In 1791, the
society opened a museum designed to collect artifacts relating to the events
and history of the United States. Originally presented in an upper room of City
Hall, it moved to the Merchant's Exchange when that proved to be too small. The
museum was unsuccessful, and the Society severed its connections with it in
1795.[91]
Then, in 1798,
the Society moved to more permanent and spacious quarters, the "Long
Room" of "Brom" Martling's
Tavern, at Nassau Street and Spruce
Street, near where City Hall is today. Tammany controlled the space, which it
dubbed "The Wigwam", and let other responsible political
organizations it approved of use the room for meetings. This space became
commonly known as "Tammany Hall".[89]
Their new
headquarters had limitations as well as advantages, and in 1812 Tammany moved
again, this time to a new five-story $55,000 building it built at the corner of
Nassau and Frankfort Streets, just a few blocks away. The new Tammany Hall had
a large room that could accommodate up to 2,000 people for political and social
events, and the rest of the building was run as a hotel. The Society was to
remain there for 55 years.[92]
By the 1860s,
Tammany under Tweed had much greater influence – and affluence, so new
headquarters was deemed desirable. The cornerstone for the new Tammany
headquarters was laid on July 14, 1867, at 141 East 14th Street between Third Avenueand Fourth Avenues (the
building at Nassau and Frankfort was sold to Charles Dana and his
friends, who bought a newspaper, The Sun, and moved it
there[93]).
When the leaders
of the Society found that they had not raised enough funds, and needed $25,000
more, a meeting was held at which $175,000 was immediately pledged.[94] The new Wigwam
was completed in 1868. It was not just a political clubhouse:
Tammany Hall
merged politics and entertainment, already stylistically similar, in its new
headquarters. ... The Tammany Society kept only one room for itself, renting
the rest to entertainment impresarios: Don Bryant's Minstrels, a German theater
company, classical concerts and opera. The basement – in the French mode –
offered the Café Ausant, where one could see tableaux vivant, gymnastic
exhibitions, pantomimes, and Punch and Judy shows.
There was also a bar, a bazaar, a Ladies' Cafe, and an oyster saloon. All this –
with the exception of Bryant's – was open from seven till midnight for a
combination price of fifty cents.[95]
The building had
an auditorium big enough to hold public meetings, and a smaller one that
became Tony Pastor's Music Hall, where vaudeville had its
beginnings.[96] The
structure was topped off by a large-than-life statue of Saint Tammany.[94]
In 1927 the
building on 14th Street was sold, to make way for the new tower being added to
the Consolidated Edison
Company Building. The Society's new building, in Manhattan on East 17th Street and Union Square East, was finished
and occupied by 1929.[97] When
Tammany started to lose its political influence, and its all-important access
to graft, it could no longer afford to maintain the 17th Street building, and
in 1943 it was bought by a local affiliate of the International Ladies
Garment Workers Union. Tammany left, and its leaders moved
to the National Democratic Club on Madison Avenue at East 33rd Street, and the
Society's collection of memorabilia went into a warehouse in the Bronx.[98] The
building housed the New York Film Academy and
the Union Square Theatre, and retail
stores at street level, until a complete renovation of the building began in
January 2016.[99][100] The New York City Landmarks
Preservation Commission designated it in October 2013.[101] Plans to
add a glass dome to the building were nixed by the Landmarks Commission in
2014; however, the interior is still slated to be completely rebuilt, including
demolishing the theater.[100] In 2015, a scaled-back version of the glass dome was
approved by the commission.[102]
·
The 1959 Broadway musical Fiorello! describes Fiorello H. La Guardia's 1933 campaign
for Mayor of New York City against
Tammany Hall.
·
Tammany Hall is prominently featured in the film Gangs of New York, with Jim Broadbent portraying
"Boss" Tweed.
·
Tammany Hall features as a power-broking group in the 2012
TV series Copper, pulling
strings behind the scenes in the Five Points neighborhood
of New York City.
·
Tammany Hall is featured in the novel A Tree Grows in Brooklyn, in which they
sponsor a family outing. Johnny and Katie Nolan debate the merit of the
organization, with Johnny for and Katie opposed to it.
·
Tammany Hall was an antagonist in the Clive Cussler novel The
Gangster, part of Cussler's Issac Bell series.
·
The 2007 area control board game "Tammany Hall"
is based on Tammany Hall politics, with players vying for support from
different immigrant populations in order to achieve dominance in New York City.[103]
·
Walt Kelly's Pogo (comic strip) depicts a
politically-minded tiger, Tammananny, as one of the creatures
who shows up in the swamp in election years, spouting ideas to help the
reluctant Pogo campaign for President of the United States.
·
Samuel Hopkins Adams's 1959 posthumous novel Tenderloin about
the battle between social reformer Charles Henry Parkhurstand
the Tammany Hall political machine was produced as a successful
Broadway musical Tenderloin in
1960.
·
New York City portal
·
Big Tim Sullivan
·
History of New York City
·
History of New York City
(1855–97) Tammany
and Consolidation
·
History of New York City
(1898–1945)
·
History of New York City (1946–77)
·
Ice Trust Scandal
·
Charles W. Morse
·
Murray Hall (politician)
·
Tammanies
Notes
1.
^ "Tammany Hall Today:
A Site of Higher Education in Union Square". Untapped Cities. April 8, 2014.
2.
^ Peel, Roy V. The Political Clubs of New York
City (1935)
3.
^ Shefter, Martin. "The
electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897."
in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The
history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
4.
^ Huthmacher (1965)
5.
^ Czitrom, Daniel.
"Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in
New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991)
78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
6.
^ Slayton, Robert A. Empire Statesman: The
Rise and Redemption of Al Smith (2001). ch 6–15.
7.
^ Huthmacher, J.
Joseph. Senator Robert F. Wagner and the rise of urban liberalism (1968)
ch 1–4
8.
^ Hodge, Frederick Webb (ed.) Handbook of Indians North
of Mexico (Washington:
Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30. GPO 1911),
2:683–684
9.
^ Jump up to:a b c "Sachems &
Sinners: An Informal History of Tammany Hall" Time (August
22, 1955)
10.
^ Jump up to:a b The History of New York
State Archived September
30, 2007, at the Wayback Machine.
11.
^ Allen pp. 5-6
12.
^ Allen p.7, 10
13.
^ Allen pp.7-10
14.
^ Parmet and Hecht, pp.
149–150
15.
^ Jump up to:a b c Myers, p.
17
16.
^ Allen pp. 13,14,18
17.
^ Jump up to:a b c Myers, p.
21
18.
^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i Myers, p.
28
19.
^ Allen pp. 13,14,18
20.
^ Jump up to:a b c d Myers, p.
23
21.
^ Myers, p. 24
22. ^ Jump up to:a b c Myers, p.
26
23.
^ Myers, pp. 27–30
24. ^ Myers, p. 30
25. ^ Allen p.21
26.
^ Jump up to:a b Myers, p.
27
27.
^ Myers, pp. 36–38
28. ^ Myers, p. 38
29. ^ Myers, p. 39
30. ^ Jump up to:a b Myers, p.
36
31.
^ Allen p. 24
32.
^ Myers, p. 35
33.
^ Jump up to:a b Myers, p.
46
34.
^ Allen pp.27-50
35.
^ Jump up to:a b Panayiotopoulos,
Prodromos (2006). Immigrant enterprise in Europe
and the USA. Routledge Studies in the Modern World Economy. p. 52. ISBN 0-415-35371-8.
36.
^ Jump up to:a b "New York Election
Results". Mahalo.com.
37.
^ Jump up to:a b c d "Tammany Hall".
38.
^ Allen pp. 42-43
39.
^ Allen pp. 36,48
40.
^ New York City used the designation "ward"
for its smallest political units from 1686–1938. The 1686 Dongan Charterdivided
the city into six wards and created a Common Council which consisted of an
alderman and an assistant alderman elected from each ward. In 1821, the Common
Council's authority was expanded so it would also elect the city's mayor, which
had previously been appointed by the state government. In 1834, the state
constitution was amended and required the city's mayor to be elected by direct
popular vote. In 1834, Cornelius Van Wyck Lawrence, a pro-Tammany Democrat, would become the first mayor
ever elected by popular vote in the city's history. See "A Brief History of
Election Law in New York" on the Gotham Gazette website
41.
^ "Tammany Hall: Boss
Tweed & Thomas Nast" Racontours
42.
^ Jump up to:a b c d e "Gale - Enter
Product Login".
43.
^ Allen
44.
^ "Tammany Hall". www2.gwu.edu.
Retrieved October 28,2016.
45.
^ Riordin, pp.91–93
46.
^ Connable and Silberfarb, p.154
47.
^ Allen pp. 54-62
48.
^ Allen pp. 54-62
49.
^ Allen pp.52-53,63,67-76
50.
^ Jump up to:a b Burrows
& Wallace, p.837 and passim
51.
^ Ackerman, Kenneth D. Boss Tweed: The Rise
and Fall of the Corrupt Pol Who Conceived the Soul of Modern New York New
York: Carroll & Graf, 2005; quoted in Hammill, Pete, "'Boss Tweed': The
Fellowship of the Ring" New York Times (March 27, 2005)
52.
^ Allen, pp. 118-125
53.
^ Allen, pp. 118-125
54.
^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1027
55.
^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1099
56.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1103–1106
57.
^ Burrows & Wallace, p.1100
58.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1106–1108
59.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1108–1109
60.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1109–1110
61.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1192–1194
62.
^ Burrows & Wallace, pp.1206–1208
63.
^ Roy V. Peel, The Political Clubs of New York
City (1935)
64.
^ Martin Shefter, "The
electoral foundations of the political machine: New York City, 1884–1897."
in Joel Silbey et al. eds., The
history of American electoral behavior (1978) pp: 263–98, esp pp 294–95.
65.
^ Richard Skolnik,
"Civic Group Progressivism In New York
City," New York History (1970) 51#5 pp 411–439.
66.
^ David C. Hammack, Power
and Society: Greater New York at the Turn of the Century (1982) pp 308–13
67.
^ J. Joseph Huthmacher,
"Charles Evans Hughes and Charles Francis Murphy: The Metamorphosis of
Progressivism." New York History' (1965): 25–40. in JSTOR
68.
^ Daniel Czitrom,
"Underworlds and underdogs: Big Tim Sullivan and metropolitan politics in
New York, 1889–1913," Journal of American History (1991)
78#2 pp 536–558 in JSTOR
69.
^ Jackson, Encyclopedia of New York City, (1996)
pp 914, 999, 1149–51
70.
^ Marvin G. Weinbaum,
"New York County Republican Politics, 1897–1922: The Quarter-Century After Municipal Consolidation." New York Historical
Society Quarterly (1966) 50#1 pp: 62–70.
71.
^ "Seth Low," in Jackson,Encyclopedia
of New York City, (1996) p 695
72.
^ Steven C. Swett, "The Test of a Reformer: A
Study of Seth Low, New York City Mayor, 1902–1903," New-York
Historical Society Quarterly (1960) 44#1 pp 5–41
73.
^ Terry Golway, Machine
Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American Politics (2014)
p 186
74.
^ Ben Proctor, William Randolph Hearst: The
Early Years, 1863–1910 the parenthesis 1998) ch
11
75.
^ "Curry and McCooey to Support Ticket; Roosevelt Held 'Luckiest Man' in
Nation". The New York Times. July 3, 1932. p. 10. Retrieved June
8, 2012.
76. ^ "Edward Flynn
(1891–1953)" George Washington Universitywebsite
77.
^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g "La Guardia Is Dead;
City Pays Homage To 3-Time Mayor". The New York Times.
78. ^ New York City Council
website
79.
^ Hines, James J. Newspaper Clippings from
the Trials, 1938–1940: Finding Aid Harvard Law School Library website
80. ^ "truTV - Reality TV
- Comedy".
81.
^ Jump up to:a b "truTV - Reality TV
- Comedy".
82.
^ Jump up to:a b c d "Articles/Biographies/Criminals/Costello,
Frank". Free Information Society.
83.
^ Clarity, James F. (February 13, 1991). "Robert Wagner, 80,
Pivotal New York Mayor, Dies". The New York Times.
84. ^ Jump up to:a b c d e f g h i j Kandell, Jonathan (July 28, 2004). "Carmine De Sapio, Political Kingmaker and Last Tammany Hall Boss, Dies
at 95". The New York Times.
85. ^ Allen, p. 1
86.
^ Jump up to:a b Wiles,
David (2003). "Boss Tweed and the
Tammany Hall Machine". New York State
University at Albany. Retrieved November 11, 2014.
87.
^ Technically, Costikyan was
not leader of Tammany Hall itself, but of the New York Democratic Committee
88.
^ Hevesi, Dennis
(June 23, 2012). "Edward N. Costikyan, Adviser to New York Politicians, Is Dead at
87". New York Times. Retrieved October 8, 2012.
89.
^ Jump up to:a b Allen,
pp.7–8
90.
^ Burrows & Wallace p.322
91.
^ Burrows & Wallace p.316
92.
^ Allen, p.24
93.
^ O'Brien, Frank Michael. The Story of the Sun: New
York, 1833–1918 George
H. Doran Co, 1916. p. 229
94.
^ Jump up to:a b Allen,
pp.99–100
95.
^ Burrows & Wallace p.995
96.
^ Wurman, Richard
Saul. Access New York City. New York: HarperCollins, 2000. ISBN 0-06-277274-0
97.
^ "Second Tammany Hall
Building Proposed as Historic Landmark". Retrieved March 3, 2008.
98.
^ Allen, p.259
99.
^ Moss, Jeremiah (January 11, 2016). "Tammany Hall
Empties Out". Vanishing New York.
100.
^ Jump up to:a b Bindelglass, Evan (November 26, 2014). "Landmarks Nixes Tammany
Hall's Glass Tortoise Shell Topper". Curbed NY.
101.
^ Tammany Hall a Landmark New York Daily News
102.
^ "Shrunken Tortoise
Shell Topper Approved for Tammany Hall". Curbed NY. March 11, 2015.
103.
^ "Tammany Hall" Board Game Geek
Bibliography
·
Allen, Oliver E. (1993). The Tiger: The Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall. Addison-Wesley
Publishing Company. ISBN 0-201-62463-X.
·
Burrows, Edwin G. & Wallace, Mike (1999), Gotham: A History of New
York City to 1898, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0-195-11634-8
·
Connable, Alfred; Silberfarb, Edward (1967). Tigers of Tammany: Nine Men
Who Ran New York. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.
·
HooperYY, Franklin Henry (1911). "Tammany Hall". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). Cambridge
University Press.
·
Huthmacher, J. Joseph
(1965). "Charles Evans
Hughes and Charles Francis Murphy: The Metamorphosis of Progressivism". New York
History. 46 (1): 25–40.
·
Myers, Gustavus (1917). The History of Tammany
Hall. Boni & Liveright.
·
Parmet, Herbert S.;
Hecht, Marie B. (1967). Aaron Burr; Portrait of an Ambitious Man.
Primary sources
·
Costikyan, Edward N.
(1993). "Politics in New York City: a Memoir of the Post-war
Years". New York History. 74 (4): 414–434.ISSN 0146-437X
·
Riordan, William (1963). Plunkitt
of Tammany Hall: A Series of Plain Talks on Very Practical Politics. New York:
E.P. Dutton.; 1915 memoir of New York City ward boss George Washington Plunkitt who coined
the term "honest graft"
This article incorporates text from a publication
now in the public domain: Eleanor Roosevelt
National Historic Site operated
by the National Park Service
Further reading
·
Colburn, David R.; Pozzetta,
George E. (1976). "Bosses and Machines: Changing interpretations in
American history". The History Teacher: 445–463. JSTOR 492336.
·
Cornwell, Elmer E., Jr. (1976). "Bosses, Machines,
and Ethnic Groups". In Callow, Alexander B., Jr. The City Boss in
America: An Interpretive Reader. New York: Oxford University Press.
·
Erie, Steven P (1988). Rainbow's End: Irish-Americans
and the Dilemmas of Urban Machine Politics, 1840–1985.
·
Finegold, Kenneth
(1995). Experts and Politicians: Reform Challenges to Machine Politics in
New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-03734-9. OCLC 30666095.
·
Golway, Terry
(2014). Machine Made: Tammany Hall and the Creation of Modern American
Politics. Liveright: W. W. Norton & Company.
·
Henderson, Thomas M. (1976). Tammany Hall and the New
Immigrants: The Progressive Years. Ayer Company Publishers.
·
Home, Rufus (April 1872). "The Story of
Tammany, Part I: How It was Made a Political
Power". Harper's New Monthly
Magazine. 44 (263): 685–96.
·
Home, Rufus (May 1872). "The Story of
Tammany, Part II: How It Grew to Political Supremacy". Harper's
New Monthly Magazine. 44 (264): 835–48.
·
LaCerra, Charles
(1997). Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Tammany Hall of New York. University
Press of America.
·
Lash, Joseph (1972). Eleanor: The Years Alone. New
York: W. W. Norton & Company. pp. 274–6.
·
Low, A. Maurice. "Tammany Hall: Its Boss, Its Methods, and Its Meaning". In Norman, Henry. The World's Work, Volume II:
June to November 1903. pp. 378–82.
·
Lui, Adonica Y.
(1995). "The Machine and Social Policies: Tammany Hall and the Politics of
Public Outdoor Relief, New York City, 1874–1898". Studies in American
Political Development. 9 (2): 386–403. ISSN 0898-588X.
·
Mandelbaum, Seymour Jacob (1965). Boss Tweed's New
York. New York: Wiley Press. OCLC 925964624.
·
Moscow, Warren (1971). The Last of the Big-Time
Bosses: The Life and Times of Carmine de Sapio and
the Rise and Fall of Tammany Hall. New York: Stein and Day.
·
Mushkat, Jerome
(1990). Fernando Wood: A Political Biography. The Kent State University
Press.
·
Sloat, Warren
(2002). A Battle for the Soul of New York: Tammany Hall, Police
Corruption, Vice, and Reverend Charles Parkhurst's Crusade against Them,
1892–1895. Cooper Square.
·
Stave, Bruce M.; Allswang, John
M.; McDonald, Terrence J.; Teaford, Jon C. (May
1988). A Reassessment of the Urban Political Boss: An Exchange of
Views. The History Teacher. 21. pp. 293–312.
·
Steffens, Lincoln (1904). The Shame of the Cities. McClure, Philips, and Company.
·
Stoddard, T. L. (1931). Master of Manhattan: The Life
of Richard Croker. Longmans, Green and Company. OCLC 1535182.
·
Thomas, Samuel J. (2004). "Mugwump
Cartoonists, the Papacy, and Tammany Hall in America's Gilded
Age". Religion and American Culture. 14 (2):
213–250. ISSN 1052-1151.
·
Werner, Morris Robert (1928). Tammany Hall. New York:
Doubleday.
·
Thomas Nast Gallery, 1870
– January 1871,
editorial cartoons about Boss Tweed and Tammany Hall
·
Proposed Historic
District: Tammany Hall,
archive of a proposal to list Tammany Hall among the historic districts of the
United States
·
Tammany Hall Links at DavidPietrusza.com
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